Tag Archives: Race and Criminal Justice

Marijuana Legalization in Minnesota: What Should It Look like?

Has the time come for marijuana legalization in Minnesota?

Opposing legalization is now political suicide

Opposing marijuana legalization for responsible adult use is now political suicide.  That might surprise a few.  But much has changed.

Last month Gallup reported its polling on the issue“Sixty-six percent of Americans now support legalizing marijuana.”

Democracy?  Bipartisan Majorities

And support is bipartisan.  Though more Democrats support marijuana legalization than Republicans, “Gallup found last year that a slim majority of Republicans supported legal marijuana for the first time, and this year’s figure, 53%, suggests continued Republican support.”

Pew Research Center reports similar polling, pointing out that support for marijuana legalization is now double what it was in 2000.

History doesn’t repeat; it rhymes

Students of history draw lessons from the alcohol Prohibition life cycle.  Why did it take so long to end it, even after a majority of Americans opposed it?

The five percent tipping point
Marijuana legalization at the Capitol.  Minnesota NORML.

Marijuana legalization at the Capitol. Minnesota NORML.

One answer?  The tipping point was when about five percent of the voters made legalization a wedge issue.  In other words they would disregard political party, other issues, and vote for a political candidate solely on the issue of re-legalization.  The alcohol Prohibition repeal soon followed.

Elections matter

In the 2018 general election, two single-issue marijuana legalization parties achieved major party status in Minnesota.  Their candidates for statewide office received more than the five percent threshold to qualify as major political parties.

How many elections are won or lost by less than five percent of the vote in Minnesota?  Opposition to the majority will now has a severe price: losing.

The time has come for marijuana legalization.  But what should it look like in Minnesota?

What should marijuana legalization look like in Minnesota?

The issue is Liberty, not marijuana.  Ending marijuana Prohibition is consistent with conservative political values.  Less government means more freedom.  Prohibition is a government bloat program, that destroys lives, destroys our freedom.

We the People have at least equal rights to marijuana as we do to beer and wine.  The fact that marijuana is safer than beer and wine, undercuts the Prohibitionist lie that “marijuana is a dangerous drug.”  Death by overdose happens with alcohol, but cannot happen with marijuana.  Marijuana has no toxic dose level, unlike caffeine, aspirin and many other commonly used, legal drugs.

The three legal models for marijuana 

We’ve seen three models for our legal rights to marijuana, in chronological order:

  1. The Tomato Model
  2. The Prohibition Model
  3. The Beer and Wine Model

The Tomato Model

The Tomato Model of marijuana legalization

The Tomato Model of marijuana legalization

Under the Tomato Model of marijuana laws, the people have rights to marijuana equal to our rights to tomatoes.  The law lightly regulates tomatoes.  Tomatoes are not a crime to grow, possess, or sell.

The Tomato model means laws the repeal of laws criminalizing it.  People are free to do with marijuana what they can do with tomatoes.  We call it de-criminalization.

This was the state of the marijuana laws before the marijuana Prohibition era began.   Advocates of the tomato model say we should return to this.  Of the three legal models, the tomato model is the most conservative.  It protects the People’s Liberty most.

The Prohibition Model

The writing is on the wall: Vote Against Prohibition

The writing is on the wall: Vote Against Prohibition

Marijuana Prohibition never would have happened but for the alcohol Prohibition.  As the alcohol Prohibition was winding down in the 1930s, state by state, the government Prohibition bureaucracy ramped up its anti-marijuana propaganda; much of it with appeals to racism.  They succeeded.  They tricked the public into funding a massive anti-marijuana government bureaucracy.  It was a solution in search of a problem.  At the time, marijuana usage rate was infinitesimal.  Now almost every American has used marijuana at least once, thanks to Prohibition.

Though ten states have legalized marijuana for adult use, Minnesotans still live under the shadow of marijuana Prohibition.  The government still pays police officers to break down doors, toss people’s cars, searching for marijuana.  Then we pay prosecuting attorneys to charge people with marijuana with crimes, label us criminals, strip our civil rights and lock us up.

And enforcement disproportionately impacts African-Americans, despite equivalent usage rates with other ethnic groups.  Marijuana legalization ends these social evils.

The Beer and Wine model

Wine may not be for everyone, but a crime?

Wine may not be for everyone, but a crime?

Under “the beer and wine model,” the people of Minnesota have equal rights to marijuana just the same as to beer and wine.

The metaphor works because people are familiar with beer and wine.  The law treats marijuana the same as beer and wine in every way.  It also works because marijuana is safer than beer or wine.  This undercuts opponents’ “public safety” argument.

Wherever the law now says “beer” or “wine,” we can add the word marijuana.  What could be more simple?

Step one – decriminalization
Prohibition Still Doesn't Work. NORML.

Prohibition Still Doesn’t Work. NORML.

Of course, we need to delete all criminal laws referencing “marijuana” and “THC.”  This includes deleting both from the Schedules in Minnesota’s version of the Controlled Substances Act, now in Minnesota Statutes Chapter 152.  We call this “de-scheduling.”

In addition, the criminal drug laws will be amended to delete all references to THC and marijuana.  Most of these are also in Chapter 152.

That is the decriminalization component.  For supporters of The Tomato Model, that is all we should do.

Step two – regulation

Under the beer and wine model, we not only completely decriminalize, we also enact a set of laws regulating marijuana production and sale.  Here the existing beer and wine laws guide us.

We have equal rights to marijuana as to beer and wine.  So the marijuana laws mirror those regulating beer and wine.

Conservatives and Liberty advocates may prefer The Tomato Model for marijuana laws, as we had before Prohibition.  But here history has another lesson for us.

The legal framework for alcohol was The Tomato Model before the alcohol Prohibition.  But after the repeal of alcohol Prohibition, the laws regulated alcoholic beverages.  We’ll skip the reasons for that.

Suffice it to say, strong public support now exists for re-legalizing marijuana for responsible adult use under The Beer and Wine Model.  The ten states that have legalized so far have substantially followed The Beer and Wine Model.  Marijuana legalization in the Untied States so far means decriminalized and regulated like beer and wine.

What’s the Big Idea?

The Beer and Wine Model is the big idea.  Liberty.  Equal rights.  Civil rights.  Racial justice.  These core American values support the beer and wine model of legalization, far better the evils of Prohibition.

What should marijuana legalization look like in Minnesota?  The People should have at least equal rights to marijuana as to beer and wine.  With that core principle, the rest takes care of itself.

Details Matter Too

We’ll take a deeper dive into the details of proposed legislation in the future.  But now let’s take a look a few of the important details of re-legalization in Minnesota.

Home Grow is Alright With Me

Even with regulated beer and wine, we have the right to produce beer and wine at home in small batches.  Under the beer and wine model for marijuana regulation, we can grow marijuana on our own property, in small batches.

A little Minnesota history

Minnesota laws contradict each other when it comes to forms of marijuana.

In the 1970s, the laws favored plant-form marijuana and disfavored “the resinous form,” which we now call “wax.”  Then they thought “the resinous form” more dangerous than plant-form.   The distinction remains in Minnesota Statutes definition of a “small amount of marijuana.” That definition makes an exception for a small amount of the resinous form of marijuana, which currently remains a crime.

Yet in the 2010s, the Minnesota legislature crafted a Medical Marijuana law which favored “the resinous form” (concentrates) and disfavored plant-form marijuana.  More recently they thought that the resinous form was safer than plant-form.  The legislature then approved only the resinous form, for legal use within Minnesota’s original medical marijuana program.

The public policy in these two sets of laws conflict.

A rose is a rose is a rose

The time has come to end the legal distinction between plant-form and the resinous form.  We should treat all forms of marijuana as marijuana.  It’s the same plant, the same substance.  The distinction between forms creates needless confusion.  If it made any sense, the legislature would not have contradicted itself.

Repair the Minnesota Medical Marijuana Program
The once and future medical cannabis

The once and future medical cannabis

The lack of plant-form and home grow in Minnesota’s medical marijuana program has undermined it.  Now, Minnesota’s medical marijuana program is super-expensive and out of reach for disabled, sick people.  And insurance does not cover it.

The “concentrates only” approach of Minnesota’s medical marijuana program adds unnecessary cost.  Plant-form is less costly to produce.

The lack of legal home grow for Minnesota medical marijuana patients denies access to medical care to low-income, disabled people.  They can grow their own, cheap.

Suppliers and distribution

The law of supply and demand is stronger than criminal law

The law of supply and demand is stronger than criminal law

The “bad model” at this point is Colorado, the first state to legalize.  Why?  Because it  has a super-expensive seed to retail sale surveillance regimen then meant to reassure and deter diversion.  Now that ten states have legalized for adult use, this is an unneeded expense.

If retail cost is too high, the underground economy will continue.  We need to destroy the underground economy using the laws of economics, not failed criminal laws.

Suppliers and distribution.  The existing two medical suppliers and existing legal hemp growers are places to look for beginning suppliers.

Over-taxation

In some other states, over-taxation is a problem.  If retail cost is too high, the underground economy will continue.

Equal rights, and justice:  The “beer and wine model” comes to the rescue again.   We should not tax marijuana more than the beer and wine.  The “sin tax” on beer and wine is already sky-high.

Transitional issues

What are transitional issues?  These are issues that are big problems as we transition from a Prohibition Model, to a Beer and Wine Model of marijuana regulation.   But we expect that ten years after legalization many of these issues will subside.

There are many transitional issues.  Let’s mention a few.

Automatic record voiding of convictions and expungement

Minnesota’s legalization law should include automatic vacating of convictions and public records expungement.

Today, most people who qualify for criminal record expungement never file a Petition for Expungement in court due to cost barriers.  The law should require the government to automatically vacate every criminal conviction related to marijuana or THC, and expunge those public records.  We should remove the burden from the victims of Prohibition and put it on the government.

Many do not know that a typical Minnesota court expungement Order will not fully restore civil rights under federal law.  The conviction itself must be undone, vacated and dismissed, as if never happened.  We must do that, in order to fully restore all civil rights in a way the federal laws will recognize.  A simple sealing of public records will not fully restore civil rights.

Amnesty for Drug War P.O.W.s

We should immediately release all people locked up for any marijuana or THC crime, from jail or prison.

Force the Minnesota Department of Corrections to follow the law

When a court sentences a person to prison, it strips them of their civil rights and are commits them to the Minnesota Department of Corrections (DOC).  The Minnesota DOC revokes supervised release for legal medical marijuana users.  We must stop this Minnesota DOC policy and practice.   We need a statute to reign in this Minnesota DOC violation of existing Minnesota law.

What do you think?

Drop your comment below.

About the author

Thomas C. Gallagher, Minnesota NORML

Thomas C. Gallagher, Minnesota NORML Member

Written by Thomas C. Gallagher.  Gallagher has worked on re-legalization issues for over 30 years.

He is a former Chair of Minnesota NORML and is founding Board Member, since 2011.

Gallagher is also a criminal defense lawyer in Minneapolis with a heavy portion of marijuana defense cases.

Race and Criminal Injustice

Is there credible, scientific evidence to support the existence of “race” among humans?  No.  Does that mean “race” does not matter in our society?

“Race” matters in our society – despite its lack of biological basis in fact – because it is a human, social construct that influences how people perceive and treat each other.  It seems that in the United States we wish that we were beyond race; but the superstition lingers and affects us all.  How does it affect our human efforts at justice in the criminal courts?

Our sense of identity – who we believe ourselves to be, what and who we identify with – has a significant influence over how we perceive events, and other people.  Race, gender, and other socially defined demographic variables are among the ideas that influence our sense of identity, and our perception.

In the United States, our consensus seems to be that judging others based upon “race” is wrong.  People resist recognizing (perceiving) that they themselves could or would do something wrong.  As a result, we as a people tend to believe that attitudes about race do affect other people, but not us as individuals.  Ironically, this kind of projection of an unfavorable characteristic which we deny in ourselves and project onto “the other” is a the key aspect of racial stereotyping.  However we define ourselves and the groups with which we identify as members; we tend to think simplistically – “we” are good; “they” are bad.

Another problem here is fear of the unknown.  We feel that we know ourselves, and the cultural milieu from which we come.  “The other,” the outsider – who comes from a different culture, a different experience – we may lack understanding.  We may think that “they” are unknown to us.  They therefore may seem unpredictable to us, which can lead us to fear them.

The there is the problem social psychologists have called “the self-fulfilling prophecy phenomenon” – captured well in the aphorism “what a fool believes, he sees.”  If a person believes a theory about a member of a perceived “other” group, scientists have learned that the person will ignore all facts inconsistent with the theory and only perceive the facts consistent with the theory – even if 99% of the facts contradict the theory, and only 1% of the facts support it.  Because of this phenomenon, people generally will deem the theory proven true, even though 99% of the evidence disproved it!  If the theory is about people of a perceived “race,” then the result is a racial stereotype.  People who believe racial stereotype theories defend them based upon the argument that they are true, or partly true (because they believe them to be true).  But examined against all of the facts, they are not.

police light bar

police light bar

One common racial stereotype involves the theory that minority-race people are more often committing crimes than majority-race people, and that is why there is a greater percentage of the minority race community being arrested, charged with crimes, convicted, and sentenced to prison; as compared to the majority-race community.

Of course – numerous studies have been done, by the American Bar Association and others, proving otherwise.  We know that African-Americans use illegal drugs at the same per capita rate as does the general population in the United States.  Yet, people socially defined as African-American are arrested, criminally charged, convicted, and incarcerated at a vastly higher rate than non-African-Americans.

“The National Institute of Drug Abuse estimated that while 12 percent of drug users are black, they make up nearly 50 percent of all drug possession arrests in the U.S. (The Black and White of Justice, Freedom Magazine, Volume 128).”

from article: the Truth About Black Crime, R. Jeneen Jones, Jan 16, 2000.

And the problem goes beyond illegal drug crime cases:

Figure 1. Racial Disparity Matrix

Column A                Column B                   Column C                  Column D
Decision Point        % African-                % at preceding       Disparity
                                      American                  decision point         ratio
                                                                            African-
                                                                            American

 Total Population   15                                   N/A                               N/A

Arrest                        30                                  15                                   2.00

Detention                  35                                  30                                   1.17

Prosecution             37                                  35                                   1.06

Conviction               45                                   37                                  1.22

a. Probation          38                                  45                                   0.84

b. Incarceration 50                                  45                                   1.11

source: chart from a 2000 report from the Sentencing Project at page 29.

Given the evidence that people are being treated differently by the criminal justice system based upon “race,” it is clear that the reason is not that minority-race people are committing criminal acts at a higher rate than majority-race people.  After all, the illegal drug use rates are the same, but African-Americans are being disproportionately arrested, charged, convicted, and incarcerated:

  • African-Americans are arrested at much higher rate than people the percentage of all races committing crimes;
  • Of those of all races arrested, a disproportionate percentage of African-Americans are being charged;
  • of those of all races charged, a disproportionate percentage of African-Americans are being convicted;
  • of those of all races convicted, a disproportionate percentage of African-Americans are being sentenced to prison.
  • At each of these significant stages of the exercise of human discretion – by police, by prosecutors, by jurors, by judges, African-Americans are being treated unfairly, and more harshly than the general population.   Yet we must assume that nearly every individual exercising that discretion sincerely believes their decision is not based upon race.  How can this conflict be reconciled?

Though few people view themselves as racist – few police, few prosecutors, few defense attorneys, few judges, few jurors – the aggregate result is one of a strong, unfair impact based upon a person’s “race.”

Putting to one side the racist origins in history of Drug Prohibition laws as well as the severe disparate impact of them on minorities today; the effect is seen across the board for every type of criminal case.  Space does not permit a serious discussion here of the solutions.  Still, here are a few thoughts about solutions.

Awareness of the problem may be a first step.  Be suspicious of any theory based upon race – or race-code words.  And when you hear one of those, challenge it.  When we develop our empathy for others, and get to know and love other cultures, we are on the path towards a solution.  In the end, society is made up of individual people.  We can change ourselves.  We can change our society.  We can make the world a better, and more fair place.  Liberty for one, is liberty for all.

by Thomas C Gallagher is a Criminal Lawyer in Minneapolis.